A quote from a South African academic on meeting the author. “It makes me feel kind of funny. All these years, I’ve gone off to study them. Now they are coming here to study us.”
The Natal Model of consociationalism was influenced by Theophilus Shepstone. Shepstone’s idea of traditional administration was a departure from the direct rule of the Cape. His idea was to use the chiefs as mechanisms of locla control. In fact it more directly paralleled the British idea of dual rule. Sir Theophilus Shepstone (8 January 1817 – 23 June, 1893) is pictured below.
The administrative apparatus of indirect rule set up was later passed on to the South African Republics (Transvaal and the Orange Free State). Historians argue that the Natal system was the basis of the separate development idea (which in turn) comes out of segregationist ideas of the 1930s. It in turn influenced the ideas of consociational division of power in the Botha period. The whole process of separate development, including “reform apartheid,” was thus part and parcel of the British Imperial pattern of colonial rule as well as the logical outcome of Afrikaner exclusiveness.
The homeland structure of local level political control thus lies at the pre-indirect rule stage. In the homelands they operate through chiefs but without the bureaucratic support (treasury, secretary and clerks) envisioned in the East African brand of indirect rule. To what extent does the East African model differ from the Nigerian model? Even the early British Nigerian model envisaged a bureaucratic support system for traditional authorities?
June 18, 1984
Discussion with Prof. Jeremy Keenan then of the Antrhopology Department of the University of Witwatersrand, June 18, 1984. The interview centered around political control in the Ga Rankuwa block. Here we see the use of Bop. government power and regulations to move out the non-Tswana. The traditional court system has been a major mechanism of control here. They use the illegal occupation argument both in the Winterveld and in other areas. Thus traditional authorities in this area have a political control function of their areas. Each chief and headman have five-six policemen to keep control. There is a heavy handed use of fines and un-recorded side payments. This is a major mechanism to get things done. These payments suggest high levels of corruption.
Later Years
July-December 1984
July 21, 1984
There is some discussion of the so called transfer issue or the “Ngwavuma and KaNgwane transfer problem”. At the time the transfer was announced, the magistrates offices in this area were localized. I was able to interview two of the homeland magisgrates. All of the whites were pulled out and Inkatha paid a great deal of attention to this area.
A great deal of Swazi transfer money from South Africa was said to be put into education, health and social services. The local population was the unexpected beneficiary of this. Below is the Ngwavuma River which forms a boundary with Swaziland and the area which was to be transferred.
Civil service personnel in the homelands often reflect the attitudes of the South African National Party value system. “These people are not ready; it will take a long time before they will evolve.” This value system may be in conflict with the political leadership within the homelands and this was certainly to be the case in KaNgwane. There remains a generally positive view of Buthelezi however in the Ngwavuma area.
June 22, 1984
Traveled to Ulundi,Kwa Zulu and had an interview with Mr. H. Khumalo, Administrator, Inkatha National Office in Ulundi. He stressed his concern about violence. He was very anti-violence. He had a positive view of the possibilities of political change. He stressed the importance of communication, media and especially the role that Television might play in influencing white opinion. He said he was anti-United Democratic Front because the have rejected Inkatha.
On the Cusp of Negotiations
July-December 1988
August 2, 1988
There are two parts to the South African story. One is intellectual and based on values and theories projected and defended by academics. The other part is popular or in the archaic sense of the term vulgar, or of currency “among the great mass of the people”.
Discussions with Dirk Kotzé [then Chair of the Department of Development Administration of the University of South Africa] on the 2 August, 1988 related to the changing role of Afrikaner intellectuals in South Africa. Academics by the early 1980s had withdrawn from the government. They were no longer willing to take part in the round table think tank sessions that characterized the earlier period. In 1988, government did not know what it was doing. They knew what it didn’t want, a unitary state with one person, one vote. They knew what they couldn’t have, grand apartheid. Some wanted to have a Swiss cantonal system. Beyond this there was confusion. In 1984 Kotze said, if you want to know what structures are going to stick in South Africa, talk to the ANC.
Kotzé noted that he had withdrawn from the study of African politics. He didn’t know what he was doing there anymore. His focus was on the rural coloured community. They shared his language and culture. “I have a better sense of what they are up to,” he said. [The photo above shows “Cape-coloured” or mixed-race children in the rural areas of the Western Cape].
Discussions with a State Security Council representative P. A. Stemmet that same year (1988) made it clear to me that there was a certain respect for the ANC within the State apparatus. As one senior official in the SCC put it:
“Make no doubt about it. These ANC fellows are no dummies. They are very competent, very capable people. They are tough.
Stemmet was interested in the UDF [United Democratic Front] as well. Local elections were to be held in October [of 1988]. He thought that in some municipalities the UDF would stand. In others they probably would not. He noted, “I have no doubt, however, that after the October elections we will have to deal with UDF and ANC sympathies within majorities in Councils. That was a reality, he noted. He also noted, with regard to gray areas, [Grey areas were areas of cities illegally populated with black South Africans] people are just going to have to get used to these areas and all that they represent. The end of the Group Areas Act will probably come after the October elections. Finally the NSC representative commented, “Government moves too slowly. We have to push them- kick them in the teeth sometimes.” [The Bureau of State Security or BOSS was created by then Prime Minister, B.J. Vorster in 1969).
